Top 5 Myths About TeachFirst

People inevitably differ on opinions about TeachFirst, the training route for “high-achieving graduates”. We can debate those opinions all day and I’m happy to do so. But too often those debates are hampered by ideas about TeachFirst which simply aren’t true. So, below, I’ve written out the main ones and tried to put the record straight. What I have written is based on my years as a participant (2006-08), then a tutor, then an in-school participant mentor.
1. TeachFirsters only have six weeks of training. Categorically not true. Yes, participants do a six-week Summer Institute before starting in their classrooms. Think of it as a really really intensive way of doing those first PGCE bits (nb: it’s residential, 6 weeks, twelve hour days). And don’t worry, the tutors at the Institute are HE tutors – many of whom have worked for years with PGCE and GTPs, or still do alongside their TF work. Even so, this is not all of the training. For the whole first year participants also have two HE tutors – a professional and a subject one – who observe them regularly. They have an in-school mentor and a TeachFirst Learning Development Officer. They do similar essays to PGCE students (theory, development, SEN, etc). They complete their QTS folder (like everyone else), and they attend half-termly day-release subject training sessions. Beyond that there are optional activities: conference, evening workshops, and there is the online community where you can gain help or discuss issues. Oh, and there’s the journal – with weekly reflections. All this, plus having their own classes that regularly monitored and observed in-school. Hence, to suggest that TeachFirsters “only have six weeks training” is not only wrong, but when you have been through the programme it actually feels quite insulting.
2. TeachFirst only takes the “brightest” students, but being bright doesn’t mean you can teach. Of all  the myths, this drives me most daft. If accurate, it would read: “TeachFirst doesn’t even take the “brightest” students”. Academically you do need to be decent: a 2:1 or above (from any university). But on its own, that’s not enough. There are also 8 competencies that are tested over the full-day assessment centre all participants go through. A process which has been monitored and continually improved by one of the most professional graduate recruitment teams imaginable. If during assessment participants don’t meet a high score on each criteria, they can’t go on the programme. Every year of its existence (at least until 2011) TeachFirst recruited under-quota because it would rather have fewer trainees than take someone who doesn’t meet standards on the day. Why? Because doing training while also teaching a full NQT load is really very challenging, so they want people to demonstrate the abilities needed to do it well. The entry requirements are not there to say that someone with a 2:2 can’t teach or wouldn’t be an excellent teacher who is even better than a TeachFirster. But when there is so much for a trainee to do on the programme, it’s reasonable to ask for the ability to achieve well in a structured environment (as demonstrated by a 2:1) and then check this alongside all the other skills needed – resilience, leadership, etc.
3. TeachFirsters all leave after two years. On average 60% of participants stay in teaching for a third year. By 5 years that number dips to approximately 40%. Given that teachers through any route who teach in challenging schools have higher turnover rates this number is only to be expected. It’s also true that younger teachers have higher turnover rates, and TFs are predominantly (though by no means all) under 35. Given that general teacher turnover over five years is around the 50% mark you can see that 40% is really not so problematic. It’s also worth pointing out that an estimated 20% of participants also stay in education in other ways – e.g. my studying for a PhD in education, or going into HE to become teacher trainers.
4. TeachFirsters are unqualified teachers. No, TeachFirsters in their first year are trainee teachers. While unqualified in the technical sense, they are unqualified teachers on a programme to achieve QTS.  This is distinct from people teaching without qualification and not taking part in any training (so are ‘unqualified teachers’ in the classic sense).  In the second year TeachFirsters are newly qualified teachers. This confusion arises because schools, at a minimum, paid TeachFirsters at level 2 on the “unqualified teacher” pay scale in the first year.
5. TeachFirst is just a new name for FastTrack Teaching. Nope again. TeachFirst is a route for training new teachers. Fasttrack was a programme to help new teachers improve quickly and go on to become future lead practitioners. They are really quite different.
6. There’s a “secret handshake” that TeachFirsters all know. Maybe I’ll leave this unanswered just to keep a little mystery….. 😉
One final point: Hopefully this covers a lot of what people are confused about, but I can also imagine some people are now chomping at the bit. However, before you write in the comments that “I knew a TeachFirst and they were awful/boring/arrogant/brilliant/genius” do remember that this is likely true for every training route. Furthermore,TeachFirst isn’t bullet proof. An occasional participant makes it through on interview and falls apart at school for a whole heap of reasons. Whether that should be allowed to happen is one of the things we can debate but, please, let’s do it on the basis of what the programme actually is rather than on hearsay or the random TF duffer who once taught in a classroom next to you.
Okay, real final point: I’ve worked less with TF participants since 2011 so if something has changed for the latest cohort rendering something above unintelligible do let me know so I can change it.
Further Reading

The Best Blogposts about TeachFirst
How I Survived My First Year of Teaching
Brett Wigdortz’s Autobiography which explains why and how he set up the company

"You get what you Gove"

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New teachers quickly learn that demanding behaviour from students that you’re not willing to demonstrate yourself is entirely pointless.  Calmness, courage, patience, thoughtfulness – you want them? Model them. Over, and over, and over.*
Gove is often a pro at behaving courteously. He compliments question askers in Parliament, charms speech audiences with anecdotes, knows his brief in Committee sessions. But when it comes to hiding what comes across as a deep dislike of most teachers, he struggles. Reminiscent of a teacher who speaks sweetly to the top set but turns nasty when facing slow, lumbering set six, it sometimes comes across as if he believes that lowering himself to the level of understanding an ordinary teacher somehow means they’ll infect him.
Such irrational arrogances stop otherwise outstanding teachers from being any use at all with lower sets. And, if not careful, acting in this way will stop Gove making lasting changes – even ones that are important and useful.
Last November Nansi Ellis wrote an excellent piece pointing out the problem of Gove asking for teachers to behave in certain ways:

Gove’s call for openness is all one way: teachers must be open to the government’s ideas. A government that really believed in openness wouldn’t start a consultation on the biggest exam shake up for decades by asking whether it’s given the new exam the right name.

One can highlight countless other areas where openness hasn’t happened – the EBacc, disapplication of the curriculum, academy takeovers, the push to SchoolsDirect over PGCEs, AS Level reforms.
It is of course unreasonable to expect any Secretary of State to beat his drum solely to the rhythm of professionals. He works for the public, not the profession. But Ellis suggests a middle way:

True openness requires the humility to realise that you might be wrong, an ability to listen to people with different ideas, and an acceptance that people with different views might also want what’s best for children and young people.

The U-turn on GCSE reforms was one example of this. But it’s not enough. If Gove, like any educator,  wants calmness, courage, patience and thoughtfulness, then he – like the rest of us – needs to model it over, and over, and over again, until he gets the behaviour he wants and need.

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NB: I don’t think you just need to be calm, patient and thoughtful to get students to behave. Would it were that easy! You also need things like clearly and firmly enforced rules (see here or here for more on that). But as a teacher you need to be clear and firm, while also modelling the behaviours you want. As annoying and difficult as that is, it really is the only way.

Greatness: A List of Education Secretaries

Over the summer my main research project is on the biographies of education secretaries. I’m planning to apply the framework from Dean Simonton’s Greatness: Who Makes History and Whyto see if the best remembered among the group conform to his theories. For reference, here is a list of my summer companions

May 45 Feb 47 Ellen Wilkinson Labour
Feb 47 Nov 51 George Tomlinson Labour
Nov 51 Oct 54 Florence Horsburgh Labour
Oct 54 Jan 57 David Eccles Conservative
Jan 57 Sep 57 Viscount Hailsham Conservative
Sep 57 Oct 59 Geoffrey Lloyd Conservative
Oct 59 July 62 David Eccles Conservative
July 62 Mar 64 Edward Boyle Conservative
Apr 64 Oct 64 Quintin Hogg Conservative
Oct 64 Jan 65 Michael Stewart Labour
Jan 65 Aug 67 Anthony Crosland Labour
Aug 67 Apr 68 Patrick Walker Labour
Apr 68 Jun 70 Edward Short Labour
Jun 70  Mar 74 Margaret Thatcher Conservative
Mar 74 Jun 75 Reginald Prentice Labour
Jun 75 Sep 76 Fred Mulley Labour
Sep 76 May 79 Shirley Williams Labour
May 79 Sep 81 Mark Carlisle Conservative
Sep 81 May 86 Keith Joseph Conservative
May 86 Jul 89 Ken Baker Conservative
Jul 89 Nov 90 John McGregor Conservative
Nov 90 Apr 92 Ken Clarke Conservative
Apr 92 Jul 94 John Patten Conservative
July 94 May 97 Gillian Shephard Conservative
May 97 Jun 01 David Blunkett Labour
Jun 01 Oct 02 Estelle Morris Labour
Oct 02 Dec 04 Charles Clarke Labour
Dec 04 May 06 Ruth Kelly Labour
May 06 Jun 07 Alan Johnson Labour
Jun 07 May 10 Ed Balls Labour
May 10 Michael Gove Conservative

The Two Battlelines of Teaching: Which One Are You On?

So I’ve finished re-reading Jonathan Haidt’s The Righteous Mind and I still cannot recommend it enough. He writes in a style similar to Malcolm Gladwell and masterfully curates easy-read summaries of psychological and political research.
Thankfully Haidt also summarises the main principles of his book. They are:

  1. Intuitions come first, strategic reasoning second  – i.e. we decided what we think by gut feel and then we cast about to find the reasons and evidence to support it
  2. There’s more to morality than harm and fairness – Left-wingers tend to think only in terms of these two things, right-wingers tend also to add in ‘loyalty, authority and sanctity’.
  3. Morality binds and blinds – We like people who think like us and we stick to them. This is not necessarily a good thing as we then develop huge blind spots. Whether the Left wants to admit it or not there is loyalty and authority can be beneficial – we probably all just need to realise that.

These three ideas struck me hard given many conversations of late about curriculum and classroom behaviour. Both conform beautifully to Haidt’s principles:
Curriculum – ‘Traditionalists’ tend to talk about the ‘sanctity’ of the classics and a belief that a single traditional core will bind the nation together. Haidt argues such beliefs are typically held by people who see humans as naturally tending towards evil unless steered away. On the other hand ‘Progressives’ worry less about this authority, tradition and sanctity and instead concentrate on ‘fairness’, particularly the ‘fairness’ of teaching a canon – i.e. whose voice will it reflect, what messages will it send – or they worry about the ‘harm’ to teacher autonomy or student identity if the only things read reflect a ‘dominant patriarchal’ voice.
Behaviour – Again, traditionalists prefer a deference for authority, a strict approach without deviation for any kind of behaviour they would not agree with and demand absolute loyalty from students (i.e. “it doesn’t matter that you think the lesson is boring, you must behave anyway if you wish to get on”). Progressives, however, tend to promote ideas of ‘fairness’ rather than a hardline equitable approach – e.g. should a student who is undergoing traumatic issues at home be reprimanded severely if misbehaving when compared to a student who is having expectations positively modeled in a firm and loving home environment?
The fear then is that having decided which principles we feel matter most all we do next is cast about finding evidence to shore up our own side. If that happens then as @oldandrewuk has often said, all we have is a never -ending educational battleground from which any government, institution, policy is only going to work for the purpose of supporting its own inbuilt biases.

Recommended Books on Education Policy

A few people have recently asked about the books I would recommend to get an overview of education policy making. Below are the ones I have found most helpful. I would love for people to add their own recommendations in the comments as I’m always looking to read more on this topic.
Reinventing Schools, Reforming Teachers – John Bangs: This was the first ‘overview’ book I read. Bangs ran research programmes at the NUT so some might argued that he’s biased however I found this an absolute tour de force of a book, looking at policies over the last 20 years from several different angles and highlighting the processes that go on ‘behind the scenes’. If you want to understand education policy from 1997 onwards this is where I would start.
Education Policy Abbott, Rathbone & Whitehead: This reasonably thin book reads like a university textbook taking us from 1945 through to the modern day. It profiles each Education Secretary, their policies, the politics of the time, and it also takes sideways steps to look in detail at other groups – e.g. unions, LEAs, curricular groups, etc. It’s quite expensive so you might be disappointed when it arrives and it looks thin but it has lots of detail and is well laid-out. Its simple chronological order makes it a great reference point when someone says “but back in 1973 we did….”
Education, Education, EducationAndrew Adonis: I’ve mentioned before that this isn’t my favourite education book but I put it here because everyone else bangs on about its brilliance. Adonis does a good job of describing what was going on in the 2000s with Labour policy, particularly academies. If you’re interested in finding out how a person pushes through a specific policy which is meeting lots of resistance then it’s a good read.
The Great City Academy Fraud Francis Beckett: The antidote to Adonis’ relentless positive view of the academies programme is Beckett’s detailed timeline into the policy and his investigations about cost. This is not a simple book – you have to pay attention. But for someone like me who didn’t really know much about what was happening with academies during the 2000s it was good for getting me up to speed. Now that academies are commonplace in the secondary sector it’s worth knowing this stuff.
Does Education Matter? – Alison Wolf: On matters of vocational and higher education Wolf is my absolute recommendation. This book is sensible, pragmatic, extensively evidenced and was a precursor to the government’s vocational reforms. It’s also ludicrously difficult to buy as new – I can only presume this is because it sold out and no-one who does own it will part with their copy.
Doing Politics – Tony Wright: Finally, this book isn’t about education policy, it’s about the way the House of Commons works – e.g. what an MP does, how Select Committees function, etc. I found it a useful way of getting my mind around what politics looks like and what it should look like. Wright has been a relentless advocate for changing Parliamentary structures to make MPs work harder on policy scrutiny, and he does a great job of explaining those structures to a lay audience.

"It's Not About The Money": Why did so many 'Progressive Schools' of the 1920s close down?

On Saturday I presented at the Research & Creative Activities Forum here at the University of Missouri. It’s a competitive forum for graduate students to present their research and the whole day was mind-blowing. Quite unusually I was presenting a history paper and so was in the ‘Humanities & Literature’ group so felt massively out of depth but enjoyed learning about a gamut of research running from the origin of the word ‘Cajun’ through to the death of French Revolutionaries in the 19th century.
My paper presented a counter to the argument that lack of money was the main reason why schools opened by English progressives in the 1920s had mostly closed by the 1950s. Having trawled through the archives of the schools’ leaders, and analysing a variety of biography and autobiographies, I am of the opinion that the leaders used the schools to develop their careers and/or their personal (often romantic) relationships. Over time the reality of the schools, particularly the financial difficulties but also issues with student behaviour and staff recruitment, meant the leaders were no longer getting what they sought from the school.
Where schools did manage to stay open through troubled time they generally did so because the leader of the school only had one identity – they were a teacher – and they were usually fairly indifferent towards their familial relationships. (In this presentation AS Neill is used as the exemplar of just such a person).
The aim is to get the journal article for this research completed in the next month and then hopefully I will be able to share the full piece once published.

The "Political Spectacle" of England and New Zealand's Free and Partnership Schools

Last week I presented a poster at the Comparative & International Education Conference 2013 of some tentative findings from a discourse analysis of education policy implementation in England and New Zealand. The purpose of the analysis is to see what were the reasons given for the policy and whether their use was justified. Finding out how rhetoric is used by a government is important for advocates wishing to provide an opposing viewpoint (they can then address the rhetoric being pushed), and it is also useful to uncover ‘successful’ rhetorical pattern so that future policymakers will know paths through which they can promote additional policies.
The policy being looked at was the introduction in both countries of state-funded ‘independent’ schools that can be opened by applying to a government-led organisation. Based on US ‘charter schools’, in England the schools are called ‘free schools’ and in New Zealand they are ‘partnership schools’.
By analysing the newspaper articles, policy documents, ministerial speeches, parliamentary debates and press releases about the legislation in both England and New Zealand I sought to find out how evidence about the policy in other countries (particularly the US) was being used. The theory of ‘political spectacle’ argues that governments often employ two techniques – symbolic language and rational illusions – in order to pass legislation that if talked about more frankly might not be palatable to the electorate. The data showed that both governments used symbolic language, although in quite different ways (England more directive, New Zealand more concilliatory). The main ‘rational illusion’ however was the use of ‘achievement gaps’ as the reason for the policy. In England ‘free school meals’ pupils were continually referred to as the group who would most benefit from the change. In New Zealand, Maori and Pasifika students are labelled as those most in need.
The “evidence” used to show that the change to state-funded independent schools would close the gap tended to rely on international ‘example’ rather than anything more substantative. The US chain KIPP were regularly referred to in both countries. In the UK Harlem Children’s Zone was occasionally referenced as a school which had closed gaps, however across the documents very little evidence was considered. The Stanford CREDO study was commonly used by people opposing the policy, and in the UK an article by Caroline Hoxby was referenced to show the difference charters had made.
The poster presentation can be viewed (in very tiny writing!) below, or is available for download here:

What Might Stop Excellent Academy Chains From "Scaling Up"?

The Coalition’s education ministers seem convinced that academy-chains are  “the next big thing”. Money is available for academy sponsors to take over failing(ish) schools, and chains are an increasing player in upcoming ‘Free Schools’. Theoretically, ‘successful’ chains will deliver the economies of scale and quality assurance of LEAs, while also being free of unions, pesky “regulation”, or requirements to go and account for oneself among local government representatives. You can see why Conservatives like the idea.
The problem? Evidence from the States suggests that really successful academy chains tend not to ‘scale up’. KIPP, the most-discussed, incredibly successful US chain, operates 125 schools. In a country of 100,000+ schools. Not because it “needs time to grow” – the chain started in 1993. No, smallness is a conscious choice.
Why? Steven Wilson, former Harvard fellow and CEO of a charter school chain, argues that chains are constrained by finances and human capital. Education reformers too often believe money and talented people are sitting around waiting to be found and used in a new school venture. But sadly, it’s not so.
After interviewing 10 chain leaders, Wilson found 5 things that limit school chain size. They’re here, along with how they might influence the UK:
(1) Political risk – This is less of a problem in the UK as Labour seem unlikely to reverse academy policy. But aggression at local government level still exists in some areas, particularly towards academy chains, and it can be off-putting.
(2) Unrealistic business plans – This has hampered almost every US chain. Again, it’s down to that false optimism about money and people.
(3) Start-up skills requirement – Opening schools takes a lot of skill and not every chain can afford in. In a country where schools have regularly been locally planned it’s also unlikely there will be enough people with these skills to share around.
(4) Undisciplined client acquisition – Chains take on schools without really knowing what they are getting themselves in for. Then they bomb. And then they get frightened off from ever expanding again.
(5) – Uneven design implementation – The chain takes over a school without a clear plan for explaining how it will change the school so it reflects the chain’s image.
So far I’m not hearing conversations about these barriers. Instead I’m hearing more and more of the false optimism: “Of course academy chains will spring up”…”There’s definitely enough talented people”…”The government has plenty of capacity money”… But it’s not true. There’s no definitely, plenty or ‘of course’ about this. Like a rebellious elder sibling, the US made these mistakes already so we don’t have to. If England wants academy chains it must work to get them and the sooner we get past fantasy and into detail the better off we’ll be.

Helping out @toryeducation

This morning @toryeducation asked me to say “something useful” about a piece of research they sent a link to.  I was surprised to find the piece is about physics lectures for 850 undergrads in a Canadian university. My blogging and tweeting is almost exclusively about secondary/FE education – not least because Higher Education policy is not a remit of the Department for Education – so this seemed a bit of a bizarre piece to be asked to comment on.
Still, I like education research. Currently I spend my days commenting on and synthesizing it, so I cast my eyes over the research and my views are below. I hope that @toryeducation is satisfied, but I remain surprised that they thought this paper to be ‘not trivial’. Perhaps it’s possible they do not have a subscription to the full magazine and so had not fully read it. Hopefully the below comments will help give a better understanding of the piece.

Improved Learning in a Large-Enrollment Physics Class – Deslauriers, Schelew & Weiman (It’s behind a paywall for most people sadly. Luckily I have a subscription)

“Sight Check” – i.e. What clues do I have for its validity before I start reading
– This paper is about a university physics lectures attended by large numbers of students. The likely relevance to secondary education policy is nil.
– It is in Science magazine. Science only peer reviews some articles, not all. This piece was in the ‘report’ and not ‘research’ section. I am not certain it circumvented peer-reviewing, but I anticipate this to be the case. Update: Report sections are peer-reviewed. This is good to know. Unfortunately because reports are only 2k words there is still a lot of information not available to the reader.
– There are two ‘associated letters’ highlighted in the sidebar of the full article (or below the article in the abstract-only version in the link above). When clicking on these, one is shown to be a letter from a Professor of Education from the University of Birmingham (UK), and the second one is a multi-author letter from Biology departments at several US universities. Both highlight significant design flaws: high attrition rates, treating the experiment as a randomized control trial when it was a quasi-experiment, the use of a single teacher in one condition but two teachers in the other condition, and an absence of validity and reliability checks.  While one can always pick holes in scientific research having so many problems makes me sceptical as I go into reading this article. The authors will need to do a really good job of explaining these issues (spoiler: they don’t).
– Finally, the report is only 2 pages long. To accept research as useful for policy I would usually want more detail than a 2 page report can give.
The Actual Report
Putting aside my concerns for now, let’s see what the paper says:
–  In our studies of two full sessions of an advanced quantum mechanics class taught either by traditional or by interactive learning style, students in the interactive section showed improved learning, but both sections, interactive and traditional, showed similar retention of learning 6 to 18 months later (10).” < So the argument is that interactive learning gives you a more improved ‘immediate’ sense of learning but traditional lecturing and interactive learning both have similar levels of retention later on.
– “The control group was lectured by a motivated faculty member with high student evaluations and many years of experience teaching this course. The experimental group was taught by a postdoctoral fellow using instruction based on research on learning” < How do we know that any variation isn’t down to the fact that two different people delivered the groups? Given they are quite different – in level of responsibility, experience, possibly age – there are confounding variables here that are not adequately dealt with in the later data analysis.
– In the experimental group, the students were “making and testing predictions and arguments about the relevant topics, solving problems, and critiquing their own reasoning and that of others”… “as the students work through these tasks, they receive feedback from fellow students” < A lot of this sounds like assessment for learning already embedded in most schools throughout the 2000s so there is no relevance to education policy except carrying on!
“We incorporate multiple “best instructional practices,” but we believe the educational benefit does not come primarily from any particular practice but rather from the integration into the overall deliberate practice framework” < This a bit worrying, it sounds like the instructor just did whatever they thought was best practice. Without more detail there is nothing here that could be repeated in education policy in the UK (HE or otherwise)
– (!) Something useful < I had suspected there would be some use of clickers in this article, and they are there. Clicker use is common in the US and is something that I think could be used fruitfully in the UK although we have a horrible history of ICT implementation. Hence the only ‘useful’ thing for the UK so far in this piece is that Clickers are something individual schools might wish to invest in (particularly among 16-19 yr olds)
– Figure 1 shows the test was out of 12 < The validity of checking knowledge with only 12 response items is likely to be very low.
 “The result is likely to generalize to a variety of postsecondary courses” < The final statement from the author is that this is a postsecondary piece. I therefore maintain my further claim that this research is largely irrelevant to UK education policy.
 What can I say that is “useful”?

  1. The authors do not think this is generalisable to teaching in schools. There is no evidence to suggest that it is generalisable to UK school policy. I therefore reassert that it is irrelevant.
  2. There is no ‘method’ tested here shown to be ‘better’ for learning however it would appear that (a) the use of clickers, and (b) more ‘working together’ on physics problems influences short-term learning as tested in a 12-mark multiple-choice test.
  3. The research design is not well explained given the 2k words, the experimental condition is vague and unrepeatable, and there are no published validity or reliability checks. Without further information I would not use the piece to inform UK HE education policy either.

White Free School Meal Pupils do considerably worse at GCSEs than any other ethnic group

In Thursday’s Parliamentary Written Questions, information was released about the GCSE results of pupils who attend mainstream state-funded schools, have no special educational needs and are eligible for free schools. In essence: “poor kids”.
The results were broken down by ethnicity and show the % of students in each ethnic group who did not get a C grade or above in either Maths or English GCSE or both.
The numbers show that White Free School Meal students are, by some way, the group least likely to pass either a Maths or English GCSE. The number of White FSM students not passing English was 54.7% and in Maths it was 59.9%. The nearest classified ethnic group were ‘Mixed race’ FSM students of whom 42% did not pass English and 50.5% did not pass Maths. All other ethnic groups were lower again.
By this measure it appears White FSM students are nearly 10% more likely not to pass their English or Maths GCSE than a FSM student in any other ethnic group.
I’m offering no explanation for this. It’s nothing something I’ve looked at in enough detail to guess as to why. But I find it intriguing, and interesting, and something I thought I would shared – particularly as here in the US, where I am studying, I am sometimes looked at as if I am crazy when I try to explain that race is an important but ultimately very different issue here in the UK.
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PS – I have no idea how the phrases ‘While’ and ‘Slack’ got into a Hansard publication. No doubt it’s the fault of schools who no longer teach spelling.
PPS – I am guessing the data is for 2010/11 because the 2012 data was not yet available.